sequence for a Predator strike ends with a missile but begins with a
memo. Usually no more than two or three pages long, it bears the name
of a suspected terrorist, the latest intelligence on his activities,
and a case for why he should be added to a list of people the agency is
trying to kill.
The list typically contains about two dozen names, a number that expands each time a new memo is signed by
No U.S. citizen has ever been on the
counter-terrorism officials. He is a U.S. citizen and until recently
was mainly known as a preacher espousing radical Islamic views. But
al-Awlaki’s connections to November’s shootings at
“Over the past several years, Awlaki has gone from
propagandist to recruiter to operational player,” said a U.S.
counter-terrorism official.
Al-Awlaki’s status as a U.S. citizen requires
special consideration, according to former officials familiar with the
criteria for the
“If an American is stupid enough to make cause with
terrorists abroad, to frequent their camps and take part in their
plans, he or she can’t expect their citizenship to work as a magic
shield,” said another U.S. official. “If you join the enemy, you join
your fate to his.”
The complications surrounding al-Awlaki’s case provide a rare glimpse into the highly secretive process by which the
comment, saying that it is “remarkably foolish in a war of this kind to
discuss publicly procedures used to identify the enemy, an enemy who
wears no uniform and relies heavily on stealth and deception.”
Other current and former U.S. officials agreed to discuss the outlines of the
target selection procedures on the condition of anonymity because of
its sensitive nature. Some wanted to defend a program that critics have
accused of causing unnecessary civilian casualties.
Decisions to add names to the
list are “all reviewed carefully, not just by policy people but by
attorneys,” said the U.S. official. “Principles like necessity,
proportionality, and the minimization of collateral damage — to persons
and property — always apply.”
The U.S. military, which has expanded its presence in
keeps a separate list of individuals to capture or kill. Al-Awlaki is
already on the military’s list, which is maintained by the U.S. Joint
Special Operations Command. Al-Awlaki apparently survived a
The
From beginning to end, the
for carrying out Predator strikes is remarkably self-contained. Almost
every key step takes place within the agency’s Langley, Va., campus,
from proposing targets to piloting the remotely controlled planes.
The memos proposing new targets are drafted by analysts in the
Counter-Terrorism Center. Former officials said analysts typically
submit several new names each month to high-level officials, including
the
Former officials involved in the program said it was
handled with sober awareness of the stakes. All memos are circulated on
paper, so those granting approval would “have to write their names in
ink,” said one former official. “It was a jarring thing, to sign off on
people getting killed.”
The program is governed by extensive procedures and
rules, but targeting decisions come down to a single criterion: whether
the individual in question is “deemed to be a continuing threat to U.S.
persons or interests.”
Given that standard, the list mainly comprises
leaders and those seen as playing a direct role in devising or
executing attacks. Espousing violence or providing financial support to
The list is scrutinized every six months, officials
said, and in some cases names are removed if the intelligence on them
has grown stale.
“If someone hadn’t popped on the screen for over a
year, or there was no intelligence linking him to known terrorists or
plans, we’d take him off,” the former official said.
The only exception, officials said, would be when the name is a U.S. citizen’s.
The
Americans’ names to the target list. None were ever approved, the
officials said, not because their citizenship protected them but
because they didn’t meet the “continuing threat” threshold.
Adam Gadahn, a
has been indicted on charges of treason and providing support to
al-Qaieda. But Gadahn, former officials said, has mainly served in a
propaganda role.
Officials said that whether al-Awlaki is added to
the list hinges more on intelligence agencies’ understanding of his
role than any concern about his status as a U.S. citizen.
“If you are a legitimate military target abroad — a
part of an enemy force — the fact that you’re a U.S. citizen doesn’t
change that,” said
Al-Awlaki, 38, was known for delivering fiery sermons at mosques in
in 2004. Because of his radical online postings, he has been portrayed
as a catalyst or motivator in nearly a dozen terrorism cases in the
U.S. and abroad.
But it was his involvement in the two recent cases
that triggered new alarms. U.S. officials uncovered as many as 18
e-mails between al-Awlaki and
“Awlaki’s interested in operations outside of
and he’s trying to recruit more extremists, including Westerners,” said
the U.S. counter-terrorism official. “His knowledge of Western culture
and language makes him valuable to (the offshoot)
“Taking him off the street,” the official said of al-Awlaki, “would deal a blow to the group.”
The
over the last year. The program is not foolproof, as drone strikes
often kill multiple people even when the intended target escapes. The
has also made grievous mistakes in counter-terrorism operations,
including capturing individuals misidentified as terrorism suspects.
But the program remains valuable to U.S. officials.
President
Many of those strikes were aimed at gatherings of
militant groups or training complexes, current and former officials
said. In such cases, the
The
The agency knew that one of the operatives was an American,
—
(c) 2010, Tribune Co.
Distributed by McClatchy-Tribune Information Services.
